Introduction
The Itsekiri claim of Olu overlordship over
non-Itsekiri lands is not a consistent legal principle but a political weapon,
selectively applied. Its fundamental hypocrisy is laid bare by two facts:
Itsekiri communities themselves reject it when applied to their own lands, and
its legal validity has always depended on judicial complicity rather than
historical truth.
The Selective Enforcement of Overlordship
In two landmark cases, the same claim—Olu
overlordship—was treated in opposite ways, exposing its dubious foundation:
1. Ometan v. Dore Numa (Agbassa Warri Land): The colonial court accepted the overlordship fiction to protect the British proxy, Dore Numa, dispossessing the Agbassa people despite their clear prior occupancy and the existence of a treaty affirming their autonomy (which the court conveniently overlooked).
2. Ayomanor
v. Ginuwa II (Sapele Land): Here, a more principled judge dismissed the
identical claim of overlordship as baseless, calling the supporting narrative a
"fantastic story of tradition" which emanated largely from the
fertile brain of that self-styled historian, Chief William Moore. The court
recognized the Okpe as the true owners and the Itsekiri as refugees who settled
with Okpe permission.
This inconsistency reveals overlordship not as law,
but as politics. When courts served colonial interests (protecting Dore), the
fiction was upheld. When courts sought justice, it was dismissed offhandedly.
Understanding "Overlordship": Sovereignty vs. Ownership
The Itsekiri argument conflates two distinct
concepts:
● Sovereignty
(Overlordship): Supreme political authority over a territory—a
public, governmental power.
● Title
(Ownership): The private, legal right to possess, use, and transfer specific
property.
A sovereign does not automatically own all land
within his domain. The British Crown, for example, held radical title over
Nigeria but did not claim ownership of every family’s farm. The Olu’s purported
overlordship, even if historically valid (which it is not), would be a
political authority, not a proprietary one. It would not justify dispossessing
families of land they have owned for generations. An overlord usually exercises
sovereign rights over lands in his domain and not title to the land as
sovereignty and property operate in distinct legal and moral domains. Sovereign
rights over land and title to land represent two distinct legal domains: public
authority versus private ownership.
Crucially, any vestige of the Olu's colonial-era
"sovereignty" was extinguished by:
● The creation
of the Itsekiri Communal Land Trust (ICLT, 1959), which took over
administrative control of the Dore Numa leases. The ICTL was created to cure a
defect in the Olu's overlordship claim which only vested sovereign rights and
not title to land. The creation of the ICTL was to enable the Itsekiri
establishment gain title to the said Dore leases and other Itsekiri communally
owned lands. Trouble came for the ICTL when it overstepped its mandate by
encroaching onto Itsekiri and Urhobo privately held lands in Warri which
eventually led to its dissolution by the government.
● The Land Use Act (1978), which vested all land in the state governor, nullifying any traditional claims to sovereignty over territory. This effectively killed the Olu's sovereign rights claim as there cannot be two sovereigns within one domain.
The Itsekiri Themselves
Reject Overlordship
The most damning evidence against the overlordship
claim comes from Itsekiri communities. They have consistently and successfully
fought the Olu and the ICLT in court to protect their family-owned lands:
● The
Forcados Case (Dore v. Olue, 1921): where the Ugborodo/Ogidigben people resisted
Dore’s claims, forcing a compromise that recognized family land ownership.
● Arthur
Prest v. ICLT (1971): The ICLT lost its claim to Ugbuwangue lands after
the claim of overlordship was resisted.
● Ugbori Land Case: The descendants of Prince Ewolofun (John Anewe Omagbemi) defeated the ICLT, arguing the Olu is overlord of people (Olaja), not land (Olale). To prove their independent founding, they called the Otota of Agbassa to testify that the Agbassa were the only people present when their ancestors arrived—the ultimate irony.
● Ekurede land Case: The descendants of Oforudu (Ovor’Udu) who were divided over the history of Ekurede’s founding. One faction claimed that the Olu granted permission for the land’s establishment, while the other contended that it was founded by Oforudu from Udu (Urhobo), with the original name being Okurode, later changed to Ekurede. Some members of the family were influenced by the Olu, who offered them a chieftaincy title and other incentives to support a distorted version of how Ekurede came to be in order to maintain the overlordship narrative.
The Ultimate Hypocrisy: A
Weapon Turned Inward
The pattern is undeniable: Itsekiri elites champion
overlordship to claim others' lands (Ogbe Ijoh, Agbassa, Ogunu, Sapele) but
reject it fiercely to protect their own lands (Ugborodo, Ugbori, Ugbuwangue,
Omadino, Ekurede). This is not a legal doctrine but a tool of territorial
expansion.
John Anewe Omagbemi’s Ugbori land case epitomizes
this. His father (Omagbemi) was used to continue Dore’s case against the
Agbassa (after Dore died) on appeal, yet he later led the fight to protect
Ugbori from the very same overlordship doctrine. This is the core hypocrisy:
Overlordship is valid only when it dispossesses a neighbour; it becomes an
illegitimate "colonial fiction" the moment it threatens an Itsekiri
family’s patrimony.
The Olu’s overlordship is:
1. Historically
false: A British colonial invention for administrative convenience.
2. Legally
inconsistent: Upheld only by complicit courts, rejected by principled ones.
3. Rejected
by its purported beneficiaries: Itsekiri communities themselves deny it applies to
their family lands.
4. Politically
extinguished: Superseded by the Land Use Act.
It is not a principle of customary law but a
strategy of conflict, sustained by historical revisionism and maintained only
so long as it serves a political purpose against non-Itsekiri communities. Its
continued assertion is the greatest barrier to peace and justice in Warri.
© Michael O. Dedon (2026)
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