Friday 13 June 2014

AMAECHI’S NEW RIVERS STATE HIGH COURT (AMENDMENT) LAW 2014 IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL

In the night of June 11, 2014, Governor Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi signed into law the Rivers State High Court (Amendment) Law 2014. It was reported that the State House of Assembly had in the afternoon of that same day passed the bill and directed the Clerk of the assembly to immediately forward the bill to the Governor and the Governor assented to the bill and passed it into law the same day.

The House of Assembly, in passing the state High Court (Amendment) Law 2014, amended Section 40 of the Principal Law of 2001. Section 40 of the Principal Law, which was passed by the fifth legislative assembly, was amended by the addition of a new sub-section 2, to read:

“Where the office of the Chief Judge is vacant and it is impracticable to appoint an acting Chief Judge, or a Chief Judge, the Chief Registrar shall assign cases to any judge and perform other administrative duties until an acting Chief Judge or a Chief Judge is appointed.”

The House of Assembly, presided over by the Deputy Speaker, Mr. Leyii Kwanee, sat at the Old Executive Chambers of Government House about one hour after its Committee on Judiciary held a public hearing on the bill. All the 18 members present voted unanimously in favour of the amendment.

The passing of this bill into law is the culmination of the face-off between the National Judicial Council (NJC) and the Governor of Rivers State, Amaechi over the appointment of a substantive Chief Judge for the state following the retirement of the erstwhile Chief Judge. The face-off should not have degenerated into such a crisis if the parties concerned had followed the clear provisions of the constitution. The constitutional provisions governing such appointment are so straightforward that you don’t have to be a lawyer to interpret them correctly. They are to be found in section 271 (1), (2), (3), (4) and (5) of the 1999 Constitution which provides thus:
  
“271. (1) The appointment of a person to the office of Chief Judge of a State shall be made by the Governor of the State on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council subject to confirmation of the appointment by the House of Assembly of the State.

(2) The appointment of a person to the office of a Judge of a High Court of a State shall be made by the Governor of the State acting on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council.

(3) A person shall not be qualified to hold office of a Judge of a High Court of a State unless he is qualified to practice as a legal practitioner in Nigeria and has been so qualified for a period of not less than ten years.

(4) If the office of Chief Judge of a State is vacant or if the person holding the office is for any reason unable to perform the functions of the office, then until a person has been appointed to and has assumed the functions of that office, or until the person holding the office has resumed those functions, the Governor of the State shall appoint the most senior Judge of the High Court to perform those functions.

(5) Except on the recommendation of the National Judicial Council an appointment pursuant to subsection (4) of this section shall cease to have effect after expiration of three months from the date of such appointment and the Governor shall not re-appoint a person whose appointment has lapsed.”

By the constitutional provision, the governor is certainly the person conferred with the power to appoint a Chief Judge for the state but this power is circumscribed by the clause that such appointment shall be made on the recommendation of the NJC. In other words, the Governor’s power is not absolute.

The whole brouhaha started when the President of the Rivers State’s Customary Court of Appeal, Justice P.N.C Agumagu was appointed as the acting Chief Judge for the State on the retirement of the former Chief Judge, Justice Iche Ndu.  That appointment quickly became contentious. The Constitution in Section 271 (4) (5) requires that only the most senior Judge of the High Court of the State may be so appointed to serve for a maximum period of 3 months pending the formal appointment of a substantive Chief Judge. It was contended that this honour belonged to Justice Daisy Okocha, the most senior serving judge of the Rivers State High Court but Amaechi insisted that Justice Agumagu’s choice was valid as he was not only the most senior serving judge in the entire Rivers State judiciary but had also been appointed as a High Court judge before being seconded to the State’s Customary Court of Appeal to help in establishing it –implying that he was at all material time a High Court Judge. The contention of the Rivers State Government was discoutenaced when Justice Lambo Akanbi of the Federal High Court declared on February 19, 2014 that the appointment was wrongful since, in its view, Justice Agumagu was not a serving High Court Judge at the material time in which the appointment was made.

This seeming cold war between the NJC and the Rivers State Government was carried into deciding who becomes the substantive Chief Judge of the State as the issue of an acting Chief Judge had been laid to rest by the judgment of Justice Lambo Akanbi. Continuing his confrontation with the NJC, the Rivers State Government through the state Judicial Service Commission nominated the contentious duo of Justice P. N. C. Agumagu and Justice Daisy Okocha to the NJC for recommendation for appointment into the vacant office of the Chief Judge of Rivers State. The NJC delisted Justice Agumagu’s name as a candidate and presented only Justice Daisy Okocha as its sole recommendation for the coveted position on the ground that he is not a High Court Judge. The Rivers State Government on its part, rejected Justice Daisy Okocha and subsequently approached the Federal High Court presided over by the same Justice Lambo Akanbi to overturn the NJC's recommendation of Justice Daisy Okocha. The Court ruled that the NJC’s so-called recommendation was wrongful as it fell below minimum common sense and constitutional requirements. In his words, the “governor is not a rubber stamp governor. The role of NJC is advisory; the governor has the right to accept or not; he is not a rubber stamp governor”. 

It has also been argued that the NJC is not a rubber stamp council to only recommend what the governor prefers. It is the duty of the NJC to ensure that only qualified and competent persons are appointed either as Judges or Chief Judges/Justices. It is also common sense that a Chief Judge of the High Court should be a Judge of that same High Court and not any other person.
It is trite law that the NJC cannot insist that Justice Okocha, though the most senior High Court Judge, be appointed as the substantive Chief Judge. It simply does not have such powers. The NJC never insisted, rather the Rivers State Government did not resubmit other names for recommendation for the vacant position of Chief Judge, it stuck to its guns that it must be Justice Agumagu or no one else. It was the Rivers State Government that submitted both names to the NJC for one of them to be recommended and if it held anything against Justice Daisy Okocha it shouldn't have submitted her name in the first place or maybe her name was added in other for the governor to say the race was not reduced to its choice, Justice Agumagu alone. 
Good judgment and exercise of discretion would have dictated that both candidates were dropped to avoid further controversies but the Rivers State Government thought otherwise. 

If the NJC’s constitutional duty is to recommend to the governor it follows therefore, that the governor may reject such recommendation. The State House of Assembly may also refuse to confirm the person appointed by the governor. In either case, the NJC will have to make fresh recommendation based on a resubmission of fresh nominees to it for recommendation for appointment by the relevant body. The NJC cannot insist that the person it had earlier recommended must be appointed likewise the Governor cannot make an appointment outside what was recommended by the NJC. The NJC cannot insist that Justice Diasy W. Okocha, though the most senior High Court Judge in Rivers State, be appointed as the substantive Chief Judge neither can Governor Amaechi insist that his preferred candidate, Justice P. N. C. Agumagu be made the Chief Judge after his nomination had earlier been rejected by the NJC.

So there was an apparent stalemate with the consequence that there was no acting Chief Judge and a substantive Chief Judge for Rivers State thereby putting litigants and their lawyers in a quandary. In order to obviate the apparent lacuna in the Rivers State Judiciary with the attendant hardship on litigants and lawyers, the Rivers State Government has now passed into law the said amendment to the State High Court Law which in effect assigns the role of an acting Chief Judge to the Chief Registrar of the State High Court.

This new law is however in conflict with section 271(4) of the Constitution of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended). Section 271 (4) is very clear. It says:

“If the office of Chief Judge of a State is vacant or if the person holding the office is for any reason unable to perform the functions of the office, then until a person has been appointed to and has assumed the functions of that office, or until the person holding the office has resumed those functions, the Governor of the State shall appoint the most senior Judge of the High Court to perform those functions.”

As of today Justice Daisy W. Okocha remains the most senior Judge of the Rivers State High Court and only she alone can be appointed as an acting Chief Judge and to also carry out the functions of an acting Chief Judge for a period of three months after which the next most senior will take over ad infinitum until a substantive Chief Judge is appointed. A Chief Registrar definitely cannot perform this role of assigning cases to Judges of the Rivers State High Court and also carrying out other administrative functions as intended by this new law. This is a novelty in our legal jurisprudence and it must not be allowed to stay. This is nothing short of executive/legislative rascality.

In all its reaction, no reason was given for the rejection of Okocha’s nomination by the Rivers State Government. The fact that she is the sister of Chief O.C.J. Okocha, who happens not to be in the same political camp with Amaechi, does not make her inelligible for appointment as the chief judge or could it be that the woman is too independent minded to be trusted by Amaechi to do his biddings?

It may also interest us to know that this appointment of Judges based on a governor’s choice follows a pattern by some other states. There was the attempt by Governor Nyako of Adamawa State to make his wife who is a Judge in the Federal High Court the Chief Judge of the Adamawa State High Court but this move was checkmated by the NJC when it refused the nomination. The same move was also made to impose a Chief Judge in states like Osun and Kwara.

In all these, the more guilty party is Justice Agumagu who should have known better. He should have learnt from Justice Olubunmi Oyewole formerly of the High Court of Lagos State. When the Osun State governor, Raufu Aregbesola, chose him to become the Chief Judge of Osun on a transfer from Lagos State, the NJC rejected him and refused to recommend him for the job. When the governor insisted on inaugurating him at all cost, Justice Oyewole declined the offer and Justice Bola Ojo was sworn in instead on June 17, 2013
. Justice Oyewole avoided confrontation with the NJC. Today, he is a justice of the Court of Appeal. Justice Agumagu should have stepped aside when his nomination was rejected by the NJC instead of being confrontational. Justice Agumagu’s conduct has in no small measure encouraged Amaechi in his executive rascality.

Friday 21 March 2014

Facts behind the recurring Warri crises (Part 3)

(V)       THE POST DORE NUMA ERA.

In 1927 the Itsekiri mooted the end of the interregnum which started in 1848. They wished for an Olu to be installed. But the colonial government would not hear of it. To them Chief Dore was Olu hence no Olu could be appointed until after Dore's death. On Dore's death in 1932, he had to be succeeded by the new Itsekiri Council for Itsekiri affairs while deliberations went on culminating in the installation of Ginuwa II, Olu of Itsekiri in 1936. The Itsekiris had asked, and the colonial government had refused, notwithstanding all that had gone before, to style the Olu, Olu of Warri. The refusal of the British to style the monarch Olu of Warri instead of Olu of Itsekiri is not far-fetched. The British created Dore and introduced the concept of overlordship which was alien to the indigenous communities and there was a limit the British could go propagating and entrenching the overlordship concept after the demise of Dore. The Secretary Southern Provices' Office recalling the situation wrote that:

"it appears by no means certain that the Jekris have been disposed to take full advantage of the Privy Council decision; or that they have been encourage to do so" because in the opinion of the Lt. Governor now Sir William Hunt, "the Jekris rights as 'overlords' of the area "are still governed by native law and custom"

A new Olu was appointed in 1936 as Ginuwa II. The descendants of Erejuwa I to which Dore claimed maternal descent had been excluded. The choice was not even open to all the descendants of Akengbuwa, the last Olu before the interregnum. It was limited to the descendants of Ejo, the man to have succeeded Akengbuwa.
In 1936 one Edema Arubi purporting to be acting for the Olu of Itsekiri, Ginuwa II addressed two petitions to His Excellency the Governor, Sir Bernard Bourdillon and to the Honourable, the Chief Secretary to the Government requesting that the Olu be made a first class chief and that his title be changed to Olu of Warri. The Acting Secretary, Southern Provinces, Enugu, commented inter alia to the Chief Secretary to the Government reference S.P.11328/213 of 14th May, 1936.

"During a recent visit to Warri His Honour was told by the Honourable Mr. A. Egbe that he and other Itsekiri leaders of the progressive element were seriously perturbed at the influence which Mr. Edema Arubi held or was attempting to hold over the Olu and elder members of the Itsekiri Council, and with the reactionary advice which Mr. Arubi was giving them….. He is, they say, advising the Olu to persit in claims to zerainty over Sobos and Ijohs, which as Mr. Egbe points out, is a claim which the Itsekiri people themselves realise they cannot sustain. The more the Olu claims in this respect the more determined are the Sobos to free themselves from all possibility of domination by the Olu as they were dominated in the past by Chief Dore."

The Acting Secretary, Southern Provices, considered that Mr. Edema Arubi had no authority to make his requests and continued:

"In any event, were the request to come from the Olu and Council His Honour would not recommend them… As regards the second request, Warri is the largest town in Itsekiri land, but it is comparatively recent. There is no historical claim to the title Olu of Warri and Warri is a township over which the Olu has no administrative control. The Warri lands have been for many years a bone of contention between Itsekiris and Sobos. The recent Privy Council decision adjudged the land not to be Sobo - and the claim to be "Olu of Warri" is made to flaunt this before the Sobos." - CSO File No. 54176.

Premised on the foregoing, the request to convert from Olu of Itsekiri to Olu of Warri was declined by the British who knew better having raised Dore to prominence and now saw in the request by the Itsekiri establishment an attempt to take further advantage of the situation.
Erejuwa II succeeded Ginuwa II on 24th March, 1951. Erejuwa II remained in Ode-Itsekiri for two and half months before he made or was made to take the tactical decision to relocate the seat of the monarchy from Ode-Itsekiri to Warri City which has now become ‘Itsekiri territory’ by virtue of the Privy Council decision. Even then the new Olu had no Palace in Warri to settle into and he was ironically accommodated in the private house of an Effurun (Urhobo) man who was maternally Itsekiri. By relocating to Warri, the new Olu was making a move as important as when Ginuwa I left Benin in 1480. Now, 400 years after founding Ode-Itsekiri he had moved away to another land, the land of Dore Numa.
The installation of Erejuwa II coincided with the politicking of the pre-independence era and the Action Group Party had just been formed by Chief Obafemi Awolowo. This party was busy soliciting adherents in order to upstage the N.C.N.C. in the politics of the Western Region and they found willing allies in prominent Itsekiris of that time who the party in turn bestow patronages on. As Sagay says:

"Soon after the coronatin of Olu Erejuwa II, campaigns for elections under the Macpherson Constitution began. A new Political Party had evolved from the Yoruba cultural group, Egbe Omo Oduduwa. This party led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo was called the Action Group. As Okotie-Eboh became a prominent member of the N.C.N.C. so also an Itsekiri lawyer Mr. And later Chief Arthur Prest, Mr. Ogbemi N. Rewane, Mr. Alfred Rewane, Mr. Reece Adukugho and Mr. Ekwejune-Etchie became prominent members of Action Group…."

"The Itsekiri people thrived under the Action Group administration in Western Nigeria, enjoying party patronages."

One of such patronages, perhaps by far the most controversial greatest single one, was the changing of the title of Olu of Itsekiri to Olu of Warri in May 1952, which the British had earlier refused. The Action Group Party also by its Western Region Legal Notice No. 96 of 1959 established the Itsekiri Communal Lands Trust. Even before their 99 year terms had expired the Western Region Government returned most of the lands taken from the Agbarha-Urhobo by the Dore leases to the Trust. The provisos in the law establishing the Trust and intended to limit its power to only lands that were communally owned by Itsekiri, were ignored by the Trust and the Western Region Government did not bother them. It was claimed that all lands in Warri Division (the three Warri Local Government Areas) were Itsekiri lands and the Trust acted accordingly. It practically invaded Warri City lands where it granted leases indiscriminately without the consent of the indigenous Agbarha-Urhobo whose lands were affected or returning 2/3 of the revenue to those who were in possession as prescribe by law. Also, individuals, including Itsekiris, who had taken leases from the Agbarha people prior to the inception of the Trust were required to take out fresh leases from the Trust. Only a handful who could resist while the majority complied to save themselves from harassment. Even Messrs John Holt Transport Limited were in 1959 compelled to execute a Deed of lease despite that entered into between Ogbe and john Holt & Co (of Liverpool) Ltd. In 1911 for the same land. 

It was the irony of events that Chief Arthur Prest one of the prominent Itsekiri in the Action Group under whose aeges the Itsekiri Communal Lands Trust was created and who is also credited with bringing about the conversion from Olu of Itsekiri to Olu of Warri fell victim of its fury when his private family possession was encroached upon by the Trust. He successfully challenged the action in court. On 9th July, 1971, the court found in favour of Chief Arthur Prest against the Itsekiri Communal Lands Trust in Suit No. W/15/1970. The Judge declared:

"For the avoidance of doubt, especially as there are numerous cases pending in the Warri High Court on this overlordship issue, I hereby make it abundantly clear that the defendants have no power whatsoever in law to exercise the Olu of Warri rights of overlordship over lands owned by private individuals and families in Warri Division.
From all that I have already said, I hereby declare that in accordance with Itsekiri customary law the piece or parcel of land situate at Warri, the exact area of which is shown in the survey plan attached to the deed of lease granted by Chief Ogbe (wronglfully spelt Oagbe herein) of Warri to Messrs. John Holt of Liverpool Limited, which said lease is registered as No. 9/1911 and engrossed on pages 143 to 148 Register of Native Lands Volume 1 of the Land Registry at Warri, now kept in the Land Registry in the Office at Benin-City, is the family land of the Ogbe family of Ugbuwangue Warri.

"I hereby adjudge that the deed of lease granted by the defendants to Messrs. Holts Transport Limited, in Warri dated 8th November, 1961, which has now been taken over by the Nigerian Ports Authority from the Holts Transport Limited as lessees, and which said lease is registered as No. 36 at page 6 in Volume 398 of the Lands Registry, Benin-City is Null and Void and of no effect whatsoever. I hereby order it to be cancelled and it is hereby cancelled.

"I hereby make an order of perpetual injunction to restrain the defendants from continuing to collect rents of any type whatsoever accruing from the land in dispute."

This judgment was upheld on appeal. This was the beginning of the end for the Trust as it also lost to the Ugborodo/Ogidigben people as already highlighted above. But by far the most catastrophic and significant loss for the Trust was in Idundun v Okumagba more popularly known as the Okumagba land case where the Trust through the Ogitsi Itsekiri family of Okere attempted to divest the Okere-Urhobo people (whose lands constitute 1/3 of Warri land mass) of their title to their lands on the basis of the overlordship of the Olu Itsekiri. In a considered judgment, the learned trial judge (Ekeruche J.) after painstakingly reviewing, at great length all the evidence adduced by both parties, rejected the traditional evidence adduced in support of the Itsekiri claim after observing as follows:-

"Considering first the traditional evidence in the case, my view of that aspect of the evidence in plaintiffs' case whereby plaintiffs have sought to establish that the land in dispute and even also Okere Village were part of the kingdom founded by Ginuwa I and also their evidence that Ogitsi owned the whole of Okere land including the land in dispute in this case is that it is unconvincing.

The plaintiffs say that Ginuwa I founded a kingdom and that before Ekpen came to Okere the area of Okere was or would be part of that kingdom.  There is no evidence of the extent or area covered by that kingdom, nor is there any evidence going to show any act or acts in history which made the area part of the kingdom founded by Ginuwa I before Ekpen came there…
The evidence in plaintiffs' case only shows that Ginuwa I when he was trying to make a settlement after leaving Benin got as far as Ijalla where he ultimately settled, lived died and was buried. There is no evidence in plaintiffs' case going to show that in the process of making his settlement or kingdom he or any persons under him settled anywhere beyond Ijalla and towards or in Okere.

I do not believe that any kingdom founded by Ginuwa I extended to Okere. Plaintiffs' evidence and also evidence in the whole case do not prove such extent of any kingdom founded by Ginuwa I."

As to the veracity of the genealogical evidence, the learned trial judge observed as follows:-

"The evidence in plaintiffs' case is that Ginuwa I founded his kingdom about 1485 and evidence in the case established that he got to Ijalla.
The evidence in the plaintiffs' case is that the first of the ancestors of the Idimisobos (Okere-Urhobo), that is, the defendants' people, to come to Okere came there during the reign of Olaraja Arukuleyi and the plaintiffs put the time of Arukuleyi's reign at about two hundred years ago or more. The Olu then was Akengbuwa who was on the throne from 1795 to 1848 (see the evidence of plaintiffs' 6th witness, Chief Begho).

From 1485 when Ginuwa I founded his kingdom to 1795 when Akengbuwa became Olu and during whose reign plaintiffs say Arukuleyi was Olaraja is about three hundred years, actually three hundred and ten years to be precise.

The only Olaraja mentioned by the plaintiffs before that interval was Ogitsi and Gbegbenu.  All that plaintiffs were able to say of Olaraja Gbegbemu's genealogy is that he is descended from Ogitsi....

The view I take of this aspect of the evidence in plaintiffs' case is that they are not certain about the precise genealogical connections of the said persons and that this is so is even confirmed by the evidence of 1st plaintiff when he said 'Gbegbenu is a descendant of Ogitsi*  I do not remember the father of Gbegbenu.'"

After considering the following books to which he was referred in the course of his address by learned counsel for the plaintiffs -

(1)  "The Benin Kingdom and Edo-speaking peoples of Southern Nigeria" by R. E. Bradbury and P. C. Lloyd; and
(2)  "A Short History of Benin" by Jacob Egharevba,

as to how Ginuwa I left Benin, the learned trial judge observed as follows:-

"Save as to the date of departure of Ginuwa from Benin City and his settling finally at Ijalla and founding a kingdom, none of the books affords any reliable basis for testing the veracity of the rest of plaintiffs' traditional evidence."

The learned trial judge also considered a third book cited before him - P. A. Talbot's book on "The Peoples of Southern Nigeria" - and observed that that book only shows that Ginuwa left Benin about 1480 to found an Itsekiri Kingdom and that nothing therein referred to by learned counsel dealt with how Okere was founded.
As for plaintiffs' contention that the defen­dants' ancestors paid tribute to the plaintiffs' fa­mily, the learned trial judge made the following finding of fact:­ 

"As regards payment of tribute by defendants' ancestors and peoples, I do not believe that they paid any tribute to anyone in Okere....
The claim in Ex. 22 which was a suit commenced in the Ode-Itsekiri Clan Court for recovery of possession of land, plaintiffs therein claimed in respect of land known as Ogitsi Ekpen land situated in Okere Town now in possession of the defendants as a tenant of the plaintiffs' family and also £75 mesne profit. (Underline is mine).

The suit was instituted by (1) Chief Omatsone, (2) Tsegbeyeri Awani and (3) Pegbeti Popo (for and on be­half of the Ekpen Ogitsi family of Okere) against Okumagba of Idimisobo.

In the first place there is nothing to show that the land to which the claim related was not land in the Itsekiri area of Okere but land in the Idimisobo area of Okere. As I have found in this case, the two blocs are separate, evidence in the whole case showing that since the Idimisobos have been in Okere, and the plaintiffs say it is over three hundred years now, they have maintained their identity.

But the interesting point about the case - vide Ex. 22 - is that the Court of first instance found against the plaintiffs there.

The judgment of the Magistrate's Court that heard the appeal in Ex. 22 shows that it appeared the suit was based upon an action brought as far back as 1927 in the then Warri Native Court (Suit No. 788/27) between Nikoro of Okere and Okumagba of Okere. It is said that in that case an order was made that the defendant who is the same as the defendant/respondent in the appeal before the Magistrates’ Court was to pay to the Ogitsi family who were represented by one Nikoro to whom the plaintiffs/appellants in the appeal in the Magistrate's Court were succes­sors, the sum of £5 as rent and that the land was that of the plaintiffs named therein.

The judgment shows that an appeal was lodged to the Warri Native Court of Appeal and there the Presi­dent stated that 'The Jekri and Sobos have been living together without ques­tion of paying rents to the other and cannot do so now.'

That passage in the said Appeal Court's judgement is important parti­cularly as it was made in a suit ins­tituted in 1927, and especially when one takes into consideration the evi­dence in plaintiffs' case which evi­dence, I, of course, do not believe, that it was in the time of Olaraja Uku who died in 1905 that the Idimisobos ceased to pay tribute.

That the ldimisobos paid any tribute at any time to the Olu or the Ogitsi families runs counter to the sweeping statement that the Jekris and Sobos have been living together without question of one paying rents to the other and cannot do so now. That statement, in my view, supports the evidence in defendants' case that the ldimisobos never paid tribute to anyone. Exhibit 22 was tendered by the plaintiffs."

After all these observations, the learned trial judge thereupon dismissed the plaintiffs' claim in its entirety after finding finally as follows: ­

"As between the evidence in plaintiffs' case and that in the defendants' case, I accept and believe the evidence in the defendants' case as truthfully stating how Ogitsi family and the defendants' people came to be in Okere area.

I accept and believe the evidence of the defendants that three persons, namely, Idama, Ohwotemu and Sowhoruvwe, first came to Okere and founded various tracts of land as they said, and that all others of the Idimisobo who came to Okere came after the aforementioned three persons had come.

I also accept the evidence of the defendants as to how and when Ogitsi got to the waterside area of Okere and made his settlement there, and as to how the settlement and that of defendants' people grew until they met in Okere.
As I earlier stated, I am satis­fied that the defendants' people are not Ghaminidos in Okere and never paid tribute or rent to anyone in Okere. I am satisfied they were never tenants to anyone. I accept and believe the evi­dence of defendants that the members of Ighegbodu family who went to Odion did so freely....

I am satisfied and find as a fact that the land in dispute in this case including the area where rubber plan­tations are shown on plaintiffs' plan, Exhibit 2, and also where Madam Esale's rubber plantation is, belong to the defendants and that they have been such owners and in possession of the land from the time their ancestors founded the land.

The plaintiffs have failed to prove that Ogitsi family owns the land in dispute, or that Itsekiris of Okere own the land in dispute."

The Itsekiri appealed the decision up to the Supreme Court and lost all the way despite being represented by legal luminaries and important personalities like Chief F. R. A. Williams, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Dr. F. A. Ajayi etc. The Supreme Court ruled for the Okumagba family when it held:

"A point which the plaintiffs and their counsel have tried to urge on this court that because the land in dispute is in Warri and so in in Warri Division, the Olu of Warri has right of over-lordship over it because as Olu of Warri, he has rights of over-lordship over all lands in Warri Division. The whole argument is erroneous. The Olu by title is Olu of Warri, but his rights of over-lordship relate only lands of Itsekiri people and even then, there is ground for saying that it does not relate to all lands of all Itsekiri."

The decision seemed to concur with an earlier declaration by the British Colonial Administration when it approved on September 1, 1952, the Western Nigeria Government's recommendation to change the Olu's title from Olu of Itsekiri to Olu of Warri to wit: “His Honour approves the change in the Olu's title from that of Olu of Itsekiri to that of Olu of Warri. It should be made quite clear, however, that, the change in title does not on any account imply an extension of the Olu's traditional authority."
The Supreme Court finally held thus:

“On the whole, it is sufficient to say that most of the matters canvassed before us were exa­mined meticulously and rejected by the learned trial judge for reasons upon which we cannot improve and to which we do not desire to add except, perhaps, to say that whether taken separately or together, none of the points urged upon us by learned counsel for the appellants would, in our view, justify any interference with the findings and decision of the learned trial judge. Consequently, we are of the view that the appeal has no merit and it is accor­dingly dismissed…”

It can be said that the Okere-Urhobo were fortunate because had this suit come up earlier during the colonial era they would have lost. The Agbarha-Urhobo who were dogged and determined in the pursuit of what they felt was rightly theirs during the colonial era lost all the way to the Privy Council on exact same facts; this is even more so in the face of Dore Numa’s damning admission in his letter to the Counsel to the Agbarha people. The Ijaws on the other hand did not fare any better. To quote Edwin Clarke:

“In Justice Atake’s wild and false claims that the Itsekiri have won all land cases in Warri Division and have no more to win, he cited Suit No. W/148/56 in which he claims that the Ijaws who were the plaintiffs in the suit has no defence hence they decided to file motion to discontinue the case having seen the formidable statement of defence of the Itsekiris. This reckless assertion of Justice Atake is false and misleading. It is necessary therefore to state the correct facts of the motion to discontinue the action brought by the Ogbe Ijoh people as plaintiffs.

Strangely, on the day of hearing the Olu, Erejuwa II, who was the defendant in Suit No. W/148/56 and plaintiff in Suit N. w/63/58 did not appear in court, and according to the Judge no one could account for his absence. The second surprise was that the Itsekiri then applied to the court for leave to strike out Suit No.W/63/58 instituted by the Olu of Warri against the Ogbe Ijoh as counter claim. The application was opposed by the Ogbe Ijoh people through their lawyer. The application by the Itsekiri was made on 13/4/64. On 29/6/64 Justice H.W. Rhodes Vivour ruled in their favour.

At this point, the late Honourable Festus Okotie-Eboh, a prominent Itsekiri figure, in his exalted position as Federal Minister of Finance, made an intervention by inviting the Ogbe Ijoh people to attend a meeting with other Ijaw leaders, including the late Senator J.M. Egbuson, Chief N.K. Porbeni, Chief B.K. Erebi and Chief N. Ezonbodoh, during which he appealed to the Ogbe Ijoh people to withdraw their action from court in the interest of unity and good relationship between the Ijaws and the Itsekiris, for, it was only when the Ijaws and the Itsekiris work together in the newly created Midwestern Region, that they would be able to achieve some benefits for themselves. A committee was then set up to draw up the terms of withdrawal. Thereafter, the motion for discontinuance was filed by the Ogbe Ijoh people.

To the shock of the Ogbe Ijoh, their motion was opposed by the defendants in a typical act of perfidy on the ground that the case had been fixed for hearing in June 1964. The date for hearing was duly fixed, although the application for withdrawal or striking out of suit No. W/63/59 by the Olu had been granted by the same judge in the same court.

Mr. Godwin Boyo for the defendants asked the court to dismiss plaintiffs’ claim with costs in the absence of genuine reasons for the discontinuance and argued that there was no similarity under which Suit No. W/63/58 brought by the Itsekiris was discontinued and the circumstances under which the plaintiff, the Ijaws in suit No. W/148/56, sought to discontinue their suit.

The judge obliged him and dismissed the claim with a condition that the plaintiffs, that is, the Ogbe Ijoh people, were "precluded" from bringing further action against any or either of the 1st and 2nd defendants in respect of their claims of which specific particulars were given in the writ of summons, statement of claims and amended statement of claim in this action. Leave was accordingly granted the plaintiffs to discontinue the action.

The Ogbe Ijoh people and the entire Warri community of Ijoh and Urhobo were aggrieved by the oppressive ruling because no one could understand why the Itsekiris, who brought Suit No. W/63/58 against Ogbe Ijoh without giving any reason and particularly when the plaintiff (the Olu) in that suit did not appear in court and no one could account for his absence. Clearly, it was ridiculous, unjust, oppressive and inconsistent for the same Justice Rhodes Vivour in the same court to impose unprecedented and unwarranted conditions on the Ogbe Ijoh people when they similarly applied for the discontinuance of their action against the Itsekiri people, giving reasons for the discontinuance.

It must be noted that there were no legal arguments on the merit of the case before both sides made applications to the court for withdrawal. However, the issues that went on appeal to the Supreme Court were procedural and were mainly on points of law, and not facts. While the court precluded Ogbe Ijoh people from instituting another action against the Itsekiris, it was the fear of losing woefully to the Ogbe Ijoh in many subsequent litigations that scared and precluded the Itsekiri from instituting another action against the Ogbe Ijoh people since the discontinuance of their claim in Suit No. W/63/58.

At this point, it must be made abundantly clear that the two cases which were set for hearing on 29th June, 1964 were never heard. Both parties, namely, the Itsekiri and the Ogbe Ijoh, decided to discontinue their claims in Suits No. W/148/56 and W/63/58. The case therefore remains open as to who owns Warri."

The final nail on the coffin of the issue of ‘overlordship’ came with the passage in 1978 of the Land Use Decree entrenched in Section 274(d) of the 1979 Constitution of the Federal Government of Nigeria which effectively abolished the Itsekiri Communal Lands Trust. The various functions of the Trust, including the collection of revenue were turned over to the Bendel State Ministry of Lands. With the passage of the Land Use Decree, it became possible for the court to declare in Dzungwe v Gbishe & Anor (1985) 2 NWLR that "a right of occupancy represented the nearest equivalent to rights of ownership as obtainable in the Southern part of Nigeria". The decree in effect, killed the notion of overlordship as it related to land with the exception of communal land which is vested with the state government.

(II)     DISENFRANCHISEMENT OF NON-ITSEKIRI PEOPLES OF WARRI
The series of party patronages from the Action Group to the Unity Party of Nigeria coupled with the efforts of Chief Okotie-Eboh of the N.C.N.C. gave the Itsekiri the opportunity to solidify their position in Warri. The obvious drive was to make good on the claim that Warri is the exclusive homeland of the Itsekiri by seeking government policies aimed at disenfranchising the non-Itsekiri people of Warri. The fear of marginalization of minority groups in Nigeria was considered serious enough to be placed on the agenda of Constitutional Conference held in London in 1957 and 1958. One of the most noticeable outcomes of the conference was the setting up of the Willink Commission to examine the fears of minority groups in any part of Nigeria and to propose ways to allay such fears. The Commission did not recommend the establishment of separate states for the minorities as many had expected as a way of allaying the fears of minorities. Instead, it called for the establishment of a minority area and other special areas which it believed will encourage social and economic progress among minority groups. The Itsekiri, through its sons and friends in government, pressed its case with the commission and were specifically mentioned in its report to wit: .... In the town of Warri where they [Itsekiri] number less than a sixth of the population, they consider it an injustice that other tribes should have a vote or any say in the affairs of the town.

The fears of the Ijaw and the Urhobo, the other indigenous ethnic groups in Warri, may have been discussed in the overall context of minority rights in Nigeria, but unlike the Itsekiri, they were not specifically cited in the Commission Report. So in 1958, when the Communal lands Vesting in Trustees Law was passed by the Western Nigeria Government, the Itsekiri readily used the opportunity, to secure control of all lands in Warri. In 1959, the Itsekiri Communal Lands Trust (Warri Division) was formed to implement the law in Warri. Under the law, the government surrendered the leases of lands acquired by the British Colonial Administration in 1906, 1908 and 1911 (which belong to the Agbarha-Urhobo), to the Trust as the pristine landlord of all lands in Warri, including other lands belonging to the non Itsekiri people of Warri. Many individuals were required on the pain of confiscation to take fresh leases on lands they already owned. The new round of efforts to control land, ignored the feelings of all indigenous people of Warri, who as Rodolfo Stavenhagen inferred, know that "land is not only an economic factor of production, it is the basis of cultural and social identity; the home of ancestors, the site of religious and mythical links to the past and to the supernatural".

The effects of the 'land-grab' were to be observed in gerrymandering - the division of an area into election districts so as to give one group an advantage over others, and other unfair methods of distributing political power. Under the influence of Festus Okotie-Eboh, it was enshrined in the Midwest Constitution of 1963 that only the Itsekiri were eligible to run for political offices in the Division. All other people of Warri could vote but cannot be voted for. This constitutional provision means that Urhobos like Dr. F. O. Esiri who was elected Chairman of the Warri Urban District Council, 1954 - 1958 and Chief Daniel Okumagba, a former elected member of the Western House of Assembly from Warri, 1955, could no longer aspire to any elected political office in Warri. Beginning in 1976, a number of autonomous Ijaw local government councils in Warri Division have also been gerrymandered into districts that favor the Itsekiri.

The legal instrument, WRLN 176 0f 1955 which established the Warri Divisional Council stipulated that the divisional council was made up of three autonomous Itsekiri councils viz Benin River Local Council, Koko Local Council, and Ugborodo Local Council with headquarters at Gbokoda, Koko, and Ugborodo respectively; three Ijaw autonomous councils namely Gbaramatu Local Council, Ogbe-Ijoh Local Council and Egbedema Local Council with headquarters at Oporoza, Ogbe-Ijoh and Opuema respectively. The seventh, Warri Urban District Council was reserved for the Ijaw, Itsekiri and Urhobo who are indigenous to the Warri urban area. The electoral arrangement for the Ijaw and the Itsekiri, thus complied with the Western Nigeria Government Chiefs Law of 1957 Cap 19, now applicable in Delta State, which states that "The Olu of Warri is the prescribed authority of Warri Division excluding Egbema, Gbaramatu and Ogbe-Ijoh Council Areas". The legal instrument of 1955, also delineated within the Warri Urban District Council area separate electoral wards for the three indigenous ethnic groups, including Wards C1, C2 and F1 (Government Area) for the people of Ogbe-Ijoh in Warri. All these wards have been systematically replaced by Itsekiri wards thus depriving the Ijaw of any representation in the Warri council. In addition, Itsekiri villages of Ode-Itsekiri, Orugbo, Obodo and Omadino have by electoral registration exercise of 1998 been included as wards in Warri metropolis, solely as many Ijaw and Urhobo believed, to give electoral advantage to the Itsekiri over other groups. The villages had been traditionally considered to be outside Warri metropolis.

The Itsekiri says their desires have historical antecedents reaching as far back as 1473 (that is, over 500 years) when their founding Bini prince took over political control of most of the Itsekiri settlements which he met within the Warri divisional area (Ayomike, 1990:48) It is on this ground that the Itsekiri see the Warri divisional area as co-terminus with Warri Kingdom (Vanguard 13/4/97, p.4). As Fred Agbeyegbe points out in his letter in 'The Guardian' of 25/4/97,

'All through my fifty-years-plus of existence, I, like any other Itsekiri was brought up to believe that the Ijaws and the Urhobos are customary tenants and the Itsekiris the owners of the land'.

Advertisements by concerned Itsekiris have reiterated this in words conveying feelings so deep rooted that they have transcended the realm of mere emotions and gone into the realm of faith:

'The idea of carving out a local government for the Ijaws from our homeland is not acceptable. We are not against local governments being created for them elsewhere but not from our homeland' (Vanguard 16/4/97, Warri Council of Chiefs).

The conceived special position of the Itsekiri in relation to neighbouring ethnic groups is what led Chief Mene-Afejuku to say in a Delta Television programme that any child born by an Itsekiri parent and a parent from another ethnic group was first and foremost, in despite of paternity, an Itsekiri and only secondarily someone from the other ethnic group. This assertion in essence means the Itsekiri are of a superior breed to their Ijaw and Urhobo neighbours. All effort is geared toward inculcating this notion into any Itsekiri child whether or not both parents are Itsekiri. This is the reason why you find more die-hard Itsekiris who are of mixed parentage like the Atakes, Okotie-Ebohs, Rewanes etc.

The Itsekiri, it is therefore evident, are an ancient and proud monarchical ethnic group whose sensibilities are perfectly in harmony with feudatory relationships with neighbouring people of other ethnic groups. The Itsekiri position, or, more accurately, situation, notwithstanding, the Ijaw/Urhobo ethnic groups have equally strong feelings for freedom and self-determination. Again, their position is predicated on historical and cultural antecedents reaching as far back as 1473 (that is, over 500 years) when Agbarha and Okere Urhobo founding fathers settled within the Warri Divisional Area. There are historical and cultural grounds to believe that the Ijaw and Urhobo, whose traditional mode of political control was clan based (a clan being a family of blood-knitted and dialectally similar villages, usually under the benign control of a Pere or Ovie) have always resented their subordination (see the several litigations listed above, evidence that the Olu's overlordship has been perennially disputed, even in the Itsekiri-influenced colonial courts).

It is on this ground that the Ijaw wrote to the Head of State in 'The Guardian of 25/4/97, asking in effect for liberation: 'We have suffered untold hardship, oppression, denial of fundamental human rights, non-representation at Federal, State and Local Government levels and the continued blocking of our legitimate demand for self-determination. As a result of these we have resolved not to be in the same LGA with the Itsekiri. Advertisements by concerned Ijaws and Urhobos have reiterated this in words conveying feelings so deep-rooted that they have also transcended the realm of mere emotions and gone into the realm of faith: 'Every human being has a homeland and their Olu and his Itsekiri homeland is Ode-Itsekiri and their respective villages, not in Warri metropolis and other people's villages where the Olu and his Itsekiri leaders are complete strangers' ('The Guardian', 30/4/97, statement by Otota of Okere-Urhobo clan).

The Warri Council of [Itsekiri] Chiefs is currently sponsoring a bill to the Nigerian Senate to create The Federal Protected Territory for Warri Division, without consultation with other indigenous people of the area. The administrative structure will be dominated by the Itsekiri, who are considered the minority group in the area. The bill also calls for the creation of a Territorial Force Command under the control of the Itsekiri to maintain law and order. Many fear that such a command will be used to intimidate any group, most likely the Ijaw , Urhobo and any other group who might be opposed to such a system (Vanguard, July 5, 1999, pp. 22 -23). In effect, this suppose bill seek to legitimize apartheid in the Warri area.

The conceived rights of the Ijaw and Urhobo in Warri to self-rule and liberty from foreign domination is what led D.A. Obiomah to say recently that, ‘The over-lordship institution is a jingo, a bully, a predator studiously calling its Urhobo victims oppressors’ ('The Guardian', 24/4/97. Article titled 'Abolish over-lordship of Olu of Warri') The Ijaw and Urhobo, it is therefore evident, are ancient and rather republican ethnic groups whose sensibilities are perfectly adverse to feudatory relationships with a neighbor with feudal overlordship tendency.

We would concede, therefore, that in its rudimentary form, the Warri problem is that of a struggle between hegemony and autonomy, between the desire to rule or locally govern others and the desire of these others to be free from that rule or local government. These basic feelings would rationally be disguised through sophistry, through gunboat diplomatic postures and through outright falsehood, but it is the duty of justice to see through the smoke screens and to do what is right in the circumstance.

(V) CONCLUSION

The history of Warri is that of a small cluster of villages, where three indigenous groups, Ijaw, Itsekiri and Urhobo, when left alone, were able to live in relative peace, in spite of differences in language, customs and traditions. The British intervention, early in 1900s, designed to advance British interest in the region, destroyed this harmony. The disruption of peace began with the establishment of a consulate close to the center of growing commercial activity on mainland immediately north of Warri River which is present day Warri metropolis. The acquisition by colonialists, of land needed for development of the new township was handled unjustly not only to deny communities compensation due them but also create privileges for the Itsekiri establishment as represented for long by Dore Numa. The Itsekiri establishment profited from the British presence largely through the emergence of Dore Numa as a lackey that helped to perpetuate British interests in the area.

With the end of British rule in Nigeria, the economically and culturally privileged Itsekiri minority now finds its privileges and interests questioned by the Ijaw and Urhobo, the other ethnic groups in the area. The Itsekiri reaction to the challenge is to organize to maintain privileges by relying once more, on the instruments of the government in power, to safeguard those interests. The Ijaw and the Urhobo majority, nonetheless, continue to demand jurisdictional rights for the collective good and interests of all peoples in Warri. One would have expected that when communities are in conflict, the State as a neutral body, to step in to restore order, arbitrate between the groups, or to correct torts that may have been inflicted on any of the communities by the other.

What is happening in Warri showed that the State whether it was Action Group Government of Western Nigeria or subsequent Governments, became, for one reason or the other, a party to the conflict by aligning itself with the Itsekiri establishment to the detriment of other groups in the city. The government had at various times, imposed solutions that only served to provoke further misunderstanding, rivalries, tensions, friction, conflicts and sometimes violence between the ethnic groups in the area i.e the relocation of the Headquarters of the Warri South West Local Government Area from Ogbe-Ijoh to Ogidigben and the subsequent reversal of that decision after intra-ethnic clashes claiming hundreds of lives. The non-Itsekiri indigenous elements of Warri do not appear to be willing or prepared to abide by measures which they regard as efforts to enforce domination through local colonization in ways that are reminiscent of British Colonial imperialism.

The intensity of the conflict, on the surface, is hard to explain to writers like Lloyd and others in the western world who consider ethnic riots as urban issues that involve working class people. Lloyd in his attempt to explain the ethnic politics in Warri posed the question: What had the Itsekiri common man to gain from these struggles? The conflict does not appear to have much to do with economic competition between the groups. Warri has not been known for any labor unrest that arose from factory closings or evidence of businesses that are specifically limited to any one group. As Lloyd inferred the presence of the Urhobo has been exaggerated to create a climate of unnecessary hostility. Neither is there any immediate likelihood that the Itsekiri will lose their identity because of emergence of Ijaw and Urhobo as political forces to reckon with in Warri. Nevertheless, Llyod may have sensed the real reason for the ethnic problem, when he remarked that: "….. one ought to look closely to see which individuals gain from exploiting this tension and study the means by which they seek to gain their ends". Lloyd's accounts confirm what many in the Niger Delta had known for a long time that the common Itsekiri man, is susceptible to manipulation by his rulers. The Itsekiri establishment had exploited the cultural affinity its ethnic followers show for the Olu and had used the followers to defend narrow interests that are not theirs. In normal times, the ordinary Itsekiri person relies on mutual economic ties with his or her immediate neighbors, the Bini, Ijaw, Isoko and Urhobo to make a living. The Itsekiri that live in Sapele, an Urhobo town are more than those in Warri, many Itsekiri are known to flock during times of ethnic riots in Warri to Sapele and other Urhobo towns and villages for safety. Thus Itsekiri fears of domination by Urhobo seem to be unrealistic and appear to be expressed out of proportion to the actual danger facing the Itsekiri.

Warri like many other Nigerian cities has become highly heterogeneous and polyglot. The reality of urbanization, means that the Ijaw, Itsekiri, Urhobo, and in fact, all groups of people in Warri, regardless of race, ethnicity or religious background, must learn to live together in peace and harmony, sharing common goals and working for a common destiny. The medieval doctrine of feudal 'over-lordship of Warri', imposed by the British, has long been deposed in Nigerian courts. Besides the lack of legal basis, using the notion of over-lordship to establish privileges for some while denying the same to other indigenes of the same area, is archaic and has no place in a modern society. Many members of the three ethnic groups, in spite of cultural differences and obstacles created by their leaders, much to their credit, continue to intermingle through marriages and business interactions, making the need for peaceful coexistence all the more imperative. The indigenous communities can improve on this trend by coming together through credible leaders to fashion a course of action to halt the theft of oil wealth and to wrest the control of the resources of the area from the federal government. The proceeds from the rich oil resources are enough to develop the area in ways that will guarantee employment, and improve the standard of living for all the peoples of Warri, and bring much needed stability to the area. In essence, Warri can be used as an experiment to determine what the society of the future will look like, a differentiated political community where individual rights are respected and protected. The success of the experiment, will have ramifications that go beyond the boundaries of Warri; it would have great implications for civilization and all mankind.

REFERENCES

1.   William Moore – History of Itsekiri
2.   Professor Obaro Ikime, Merchant Prince of the Niger Delta
3.   Obaro Ikime: Chief Dogho: The Lugardian System in Warri, 1917-1932. J.H.S.N. Vol. 3, No. 2 Dec. 1965.
4.   Obiomah, Daniel, A. - Warri: Land, Overlords & Land Rights (Ometan Vs Dore Numa) Fact, Fiction & Imperialism. Warri, Nigeria: GKS Press.
5.   Obiomah, Daniel, A. 1995. Warri, Urhobo & The Nigerian Nation. Warri, Nigeria: GKS
Press.
6.   Sagay, John, O. E. 1980. The Warri Kingdom. Sapele, Nigeria: Progress Publishers.
7.   Lloyd, Peter. 1963. The Itsekiri in the Nineteenth Century: An Outline of Social History."
Journal of African History, IV, 2, 207 – 231.
8.   Urhobo Historical Society, 2000. British Imperialism in Urhoboland: British Colonial
'Treaties of Protection' With Urhobo Communities in "Warri District"1892 – 93.
9.   Edwin Clark - Warri crisis: Why we must embrace as brothers.